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	<title>Comments on: Supporting Military Interventions to Protect Human Rights</title>
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	<link>http://blog.psaonline.org/2006/06/20/supporting-military-interventions-to-protect-human-rights/</link>
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		<title>By: Jhoonbvlack</title>
		<link>http://blog.psaonline.org/2006/06/20/supporting-military-interventions-to-protect-human-rights/comment-page-1/#comment-366502</link>
		<dc:creator>Jhoonbvlack</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 08 Oct 2007 17:36:33 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://blog.psaonline.org/2006/06/20/supporting-military-interventions-to-protect-human-rights/#comment-366502</guid>
		<description>Vehicles that can be considered &lt;a href=&quot;http://zvezda.110mb.com&quot; rel=&quot;nofollow&quot;&gt;cars&lt;/a&gt; were demonstrated as early as 1769, 
and 1885 marked the introduction of gasoline powered internal combustion 
engines. Automotive history is generally divided into a number of eras based on 
the major design and technology shifts.</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Vehicles that can be considered <a href="http://zvezda.110mb.com" rel="nofollow">cars</a> were demonstrated as early as 1769,<br />
and 1885 marked the introduction of gasoline powered internal combustion<br />
engines. Automotive history is generally divided into a number of eras based on<br />
the major design and technology shifts.</p>
]]></content:encoded>
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		<title>By: Glidadway</title>
		<link>http://blog.psaonline.org/2006/06/20/supporting-military-interventions-to-protect-human-rights/comment-page-1/#comment-290251</link>
		<dc:creator>Glidadway</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 02 Sep 2007 14:17:49 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://blog.psaonline.org/2006/06/20/supporting-military-interventions-to-protect-human-rights/#comment-290251</guid>
		<description>Commercial operators, including airlines, air cargo and air taxi operators, will usually use an ICAO or FAA-registered call sign for their company, which is used together with the flight number. For example, British Airways flight 75 would use the call sign Speedbird seven five (with the last word properly pronounced fife), since Speedbird is the registered call sign for British Airways. For these callsigns, proper usage varies by country. In some countries, such as the United States, numbers are spoken normally (for the example above, Speedbird seventy-five) instead of being spelled out digit by digit, further reducing confusion. In other countries, such as the UK, they are spelled out. ] Air taxi operators in the United States sometimes do not have a registered call sign, in which case the prefix T is used followed by the aircraft regist 
ration number (e.g. tango November niner eight seven six Quebec). 
&lt;a href=&quot;http://expresso.awesomewebspace.com&quot; rel=&quot;nofollow&quot;&gt;expresso.awesomewebspace.com&lt;/a&gt;</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Commercial operators, including airlines, air cargo and air taxi operators, will usually use an ICAO or FAA-registered call sign for their company, which is used together with the flight number. For example, British Airways flight 75 would use the call sign Speedbird seven five (with the last word properly pronounced fife), since Speedbird is the registered call sign for British Airways. For these callsigns, proper usage varies by country. In some countries, such as the United States, numbers are spoken normally (for the example above, Speedbird seventy-five) instead of being spelled out digit by digit, further reducing confusion. In other countries, such as the UK, they are spelled out. ] Air taxi operators in the United States sometimes do not have a registered call sign, in which case the prefix T is used followed by the aircraft regist<br />
ration number (e.g. tango November niner eight seven six Quebec).<br />
<a href="http://expresso.awesomewebspace.com" rel="nofollow">expresso.awesomewebspace.com</a></p>
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		<title>By: black touch</title>
		<link>http://blog.psaonline.org/2006/06/20/supporting-military-interventions-to-protect-human-rights/comment-page-1/#comment-279586</link>
		<dc:creator>black touch</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 27 Aug 2007 16:40:34 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://blog.psaonline.org/2006/06/20/supporting-military-interventions-to-protect-human-rights/#comment-279586</guid>
		<description>&lt;a&gt;</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><a></a></p>
]]></content:encoded>
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		<title>By: LolitochkaBC</title>
		<link>http://blog.psaonline.org/2006/06/20/supporting-military-interventions-to-protect-human-rights/comment-page-1/#comment-85270</link>
		<dc:creator>LolitochkaBC</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Thu, 10 May 2007 07:24:07 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://blog.psaonline.org/2006/06/20/supporting-military-interventions-to-protect-human-rights/#comment-85270</guid>
		<description>Ааан-ука ребякит голосуем!!! 
 
Признавайтесь проказники и влабельцы сайта blog.psaonline.org )))) 
 
ЧТО вы будете делать тэим летом?!</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Ааан-ука ребякит голосуем!!! </p>
<p>Признавайтесь проказники и влабельцы сайта blog.psaonline.org )))) </p>
<p>ЧТО вы будете делать тэим летом?!</p>
]]></content:encoded>
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		<title>By: Across the Aisle &#187; Intervention and U.S. politics</title>
		<link>http://blog.psaonline.org/2006/06/20/supporting-military-interventions-to-protect-human-rights/comment-page-1/#comment-240</link>
		<dc:creator>Across the Aisle &#187; Intervention and U.S. politics</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 10 Jul 2006 14:50:13 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://blog.psaonline.org/2006/06/20/supporting-military-interventions-to-protect-human-rights/#comment-240</guid>
		<description>[...] Much of the discussion of late on this blog has been about when to intervene and under what authority. On that score, I agree with Jordan Tama that legitimacy - as amorphous a concept as that is - makes more sense than legality. [...]</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>[...] Much of the discussion of late on this blog has been about when to intervene and under what authority. On that score, I agree with Jordan Tama that legitimacy &#8211; as amorphous a concept as that is &#8211; makes more sense than legality. [...]</p>
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		<title>By: Across the Aisle &#187; R2P and Interventions Today</title>
		<link>http://blog.psaonline.org/2006/06/20/supporting-military-interventions-to-protect-human-rights/comment-page-1/#comment-207</link>
		<dc:creator>Across the Aisle &#187; R2P and Interventions Today</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 07 Jul 2006 16:43:14 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://blog.psaonline.org/2006/06/20/supporting-military-interventions-to-protect-human-rights/#comment-207</guid>
		<description>[...] I’d like to go back to the lively discussion here about the Responsibility to Protect, and the ideas launched by Christopher Preble and Jordan Tama as a spin-off from the debate over UN reform, genocide and preventive intervention.  [...]</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>[...] I’d like to go back to the lively discussion here about the Responsibility to Protect, and the ideas launched by Christopher Preble and Jordan Tama as a spin-off from the debate over UN reform, genocide and preventive intervention.  [...]</p>
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		<title>By: Todd Thompson</title>
		<link>http://blog.psaonline.org/2006/06/20/supporting-military-interventions-to-protect-human-rights/comment-page-1/#comment-100</link>
		<dc:creator>Todd Thompson</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 23 Jun 2006 05:51:24 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://blog.psaonline.org/2006/06/20/supporting-military-interventions-to-protect-human-rights/#comment-100</guid>
		<description>What is obvious is that the current regime does not work.  Our government has imposed discretionary war-type actions for every president beginning with Reagan.  It is always rationalized somehow and always in direct conflict with the current framework for peace.

I want to thank Mr. Levine for the well-considered input.  

I agree that there must be a change.  The future process cannot be something that can be based on deceitful negotiations, propaganda, lies and rhetoric like Kosovo and Iraq.  War has to be the very last option, not the first that is ramped up through the above.

The UN appears corrupt and useless.  Is Paddy Ashdown really British Secret Service?  That would be worse than the UN sending William Walker as an observer.

Thank You Across the Aisle!</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>What is obvious is that the current regime does not work.  Our government has imposed discretionary war-type actions for every president beginning with Reagan.  It is always rationalized somehow and always in direct conflict with the current framework for peace.</p>
<p>I want to thank Mr. Levine for the well-considered input.  </p>
<p>I agree that there must be a change.  The future process cannot be something that can be based on deceitful negotiations, propaganda, lies and rhetoric like Kosovo and Iraq.  War has to be the very last option, not the first that is ramped up through the above.</p>
<p>The UN appears corrupt and useless.  Is Paddy Ashdown really British Secret Service?  That would be worse than the UN sending William Walker as an observer.</p>
<p>Thank You Across the Aisle!</p>
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		<title>By: Daniel Levine</title>
		<link>http://blog.psaonline.org/2006/06/20/supporting-military-interventions-to-protect-human-rights/comment-page-1/#comment-96</link>
		<dc:creator>Daniel Levine</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Thu, 22 Jun 2006 18:43:01 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://blog.psaonline.org/2006/06/20/supporting-military-interventions-to-protect-human-rights/#comment-96</guid>
		<description>While I am not quite so suspicious of intervention as Mr. Thompson, I do think that the ICISS standard is too vague to be comfortable.  By allowing an intervention to go forward via GA or regional organization approval after *rejection* by the SC, it opens the door to a problematic sort of venue-shopping.

I think it&#039;s better to keep the distinction between legality and what you call &quot;legitimacy.&quot;  The latter is essentially a moral standard, and is likely to be difficult to codify.  If we try to allow for every possibility (e.g., it is *possible* that only one nation is moved by the moral horror of some situation, while the rest of the world venally looks the other way), we will end up with a standard like the ICISS&#039; that is so flexible as to be, I fear, easily abused.

This is not to say that we cannot say *anything* procedural about the moral legitimacy of an intervention.  For instance, approval by a multilateral institution would certainly play a useful epistemic role - i.e., if NATO approves of an intervention, that does not *make* it right, but it is some evidence for its rightness that you were able to convince other nations to approve.  Similarly/conversely, if my trusted friends think that I am morally in the wrong about something, I&#039;m apt to reconsider my position.  But procedural rules - try to get a position that can attract consensus, exhaust diplomatic avenues first (given their generally lower cost in human suffering), try to ascertain the wishes of the population in the intervened-upon nation, be vigilant against biasing interests (e.g., with Mr. Thompson, we should ask ourselves if our intervention might not be motivated by the promise of a military base rather than genuine humanitarianism), etc. - are unlikely to be both sufficiently nuanced to capture the moral dimensions of a situation *and* straightforward enough to be easily understood and applicable.

That should not mean that we despair of finding worthwhile rules of international *law.*  Law is, after all, only one consideration about what should be done.  But I think there are reasons for writing the legal rules more strictly, perhaps requiring at least GA approval of any intervention (or maybe approval by the *local* regional organization).  Having fairly restrictive legal rules, with some genuine penalties, will encourage nations to do the sort of due diligence required for a good moral decision - even a nation that decides to break the law will have reason to be very sure that its actions are worthwhile before doing so, rather than making a superficial appeal to human rights and finding a friendly multilateral organization to sign off on it.

Of course, a nation might as easily break a robust law because of weighty, but selfish interests.  I don&#039;t think we can avoid that.  But a relatively restrictive legal framework combined with a serious international conversation (helpfully started by the ICISS) about the morality of intervention might help create a situation where a state which breaks the law from what are obviously morally sincere motivations will &#039;get off easier&#039; than one that does so for apparently selfish ones.</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>While I am not quite so suspicious of intervention as Mr. Thompson, I do think that the ICISS standard is too vague to be comfortable.  By allowing an intervention to go forward via GA or regional organization approval after *rejection* by the SC, it opens the door to a problematic sort of venue-shopping.</p>
<p>I think it&#8217;s better to keep the distinction between legality and what you call &#8220;legitimacy.&#8221;  The latter is essentially a moral standard, and is likely to be difficult to codify.  If we try to allow for every possibility (e.g., it is *possible* that only one nation is moved by the moral horror of some situation, while the rest of the world venally looks the other way), we will end up with a standard like the ICISS&#8217; that is so flexible as to be, I fear, easily abused.</p>
<p>This is not to say that we cannot say *anything* procedural about the moral legitimacy of an intervention.  For instance, approval by a multilateral institution would certainly play a useful epistemic role &#8211; i.e., if NATO approves of an intervention, that does not *make* it right, but it is some evidence for its rightness that you were able to convince other nations to approve.  Similarly/conversely, if my trusted friends think that I am morally in the wrong about something, I&#8217;m apt to reconsider my position.  But procedural rules &#8211; try to get a position that can attract consensus, exhaust diplomatic avenues first (given their generally lower cost in human suffering), try to ascertain the wishes of the population in the intervened-upon nation, be vigilant against biasing interests (e.g., with Mr. Thompson, we should ask ourselves if our intervention might not be motivated by the promise of a military base rather than genuine humanitarianism), etc. &#8211; are unlikely to be both sufficiently nuanced to capture the moral dimensions of a situation *and* straightforward enough to be easily understood and applicable.</p>
<p>That should not mean that we despair of finding worthwhile rules of international *law.*  Law is, after all, only one consideration about what should be done.  But I think there are reasons for writing the legal rules more strictly, perhaps requiring at least GA approval of any intervention (or maybe approval by the *local* regional organization).  Having fairly restrictive legal rules, with some genuine penalties, will encourage nations to do the sort of due diligence required for a good moral decision &#8211; even a nation that decides to break the law will have reason to be very sure that its actions are worthwhile before doing so, rather than making a superficial appeal to human rights and finding a friendly multilateral organization to sign off on it.</p>
<p>Of course, a nation might as easily break a robust law because of weighty, but selfish interests.  I don&#8217;t think we can avoid that.  But a relatively restrictive legal framework combined with a serious international conversation (helpfully started by the ICISS) about the morality of intervention might help create a situation where a state which breaks the law from what are obviously morally sincere motivations will &#8216;get off easier&#8217; than one that does so for apparently selfish ones.</p>
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		<title>By: Todd Thompson</title>
		<link>http://blog.psaonline.org/2006/06/20/supporting-military-interventions-to-protect-human-rights/comment-page-1/#comment-93</link>
		<dc:creator>Todd Thompson</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Wed, 21 Jun 2006 19:21:56 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://blog.psaonline.org/2006/06/20/supporting-military-interventions-to-protect-human-rights/#comment-93</guid>
		<description>To protect the norm might be acceptable if applied universally.  After all, isn&#039;t it a norm to apply human rights in a universal manner?  Unfortunately, even those NATO allies, just like Germany in WWII, did not apply the same values on life in their own country as they did on those that they wanted to bomb, kill, and occupy.  That&#039;s right.  I&#039;m speaking of the Kurds in Turkey and the Gypsies in NATO countries.  What AisleAcross the Aisle promotes is &quot;Might is Right&quot; as the norm and nothing more.  It is also called Imperialism.

I suppose Sudan would make a great place to have a U.S./E.U. airbase.  Darfur is just the convenient excuse, like Bosnia, like Kosovo, like Iraq.  

Call in some recycled diplomat!</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>To protect the norm might be acceptable if applied universally.  After all, isn&#8217;t it a norm to apply human rights in a universal manner?  Unfortunately, even those NATO allies, just like Germany in WWII, did not apply the same values on life in their own country as they did on those that they wanted to bomb, kill, and occupy.  That&#8217;s right.  I&#8217;m speaking of the Kurds in Turkey and the Gypsies in NATO countries.  What AisleAcross the Aisle promotes is &#8220;Might is Right&#8221; as the norm and nothing more.  It is also called Imperialism.</p>
<p>I suppose Sudan would make a great place to have a U.S./E.U. airbase.  Darfur is just the convenient excuse, like Bosnia, like Kosovo, like Iraq.  </p>
<p>Call in some recycled diplomat!</p>
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		<title>By: Travelisto.com &#187; Blog Archive &#187; Travel Deals - Across the Aisle</title>
		<link>http://blog.psaonline.org/2006/06/20/supporting-military-interventions-to-protect-human-rights/comment-page-1/#comment-91</link>
		<dc:creator>Travelisto.com &#187; Blog Archive &#187; Travel Deals - Across the Aisle</dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Wed, 21 Jun 2006 10:04:59 +0000</pubDate>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://blog.psaonline.org/2006/06/20/supporting-military-interventions-to-protect-human-rights/#comment-91</guid>
		<description>[...] Across the AisleAcross the Aisle,&#160;DC&#160;- 19 hours ago&#8230; The responsibility to protect norm clearly goes beyond the UN Charter s prescriptions, which only authorize the use of force in self-defense or when approved &#8230; [...]</description>
		<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>[...] Across the AisleAcross the Aisle,&nbsp;DC&nbsp;- 19 hours ago&#8230; The responsibility to protect norm clearly goes beyond the UN Charter s prescriptions, which only authorize the use of force in self-defense or when approved &#8230; [...]</p>
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